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Little Red Book – Galiwin’ku

 

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With much thanx, to the wonderful people of Galiwin’ku and its surrounding homelands.

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MILINGIMBI BILINGUAL EDUCATION UPDATE

OPENING OF THE NEW MILINGIMBI BILINGUAL RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT UNIT BUILDING 2017.

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Dr. Bentley James in full flight, presenting his latest publication to the Students, Staff and Community of Milingimbi School. By James Dodd. Homelands teacher Milingimbi C.E.C 2017

Hi there, back again in Milingimbi for the opening of the new Literacy Production Centre.  Teacher Linguist Jenny says ‘As one of the first 5 Northern Territory communities to offer a bilingual programme in the 1970s it was with great joy that we celebrated at last having a purpose built space, a legacy of Cyclone Lam’ (Robbins. J. Yurruwi School LPC Opening 1.6.2017)

On a lighter note, thanking children, dignitaries, important actors past and present, and the ancestors, I launched into an animated pasquinade about the book with much fire and brimstone. We split our sides laughing … it was short, a happy moment quickly forgotten, if you wish you may read the review by homelands teachers James Dodd below…but be warned its rich… however, the book remains.

I have been handing out the book in big communities like Milingimbi but also in the homelands.

As you know, homelands on country, in the ever present ancestral geography, are peopled by kin- in relationships with country that enhance the reproduction of local knowledge, language, identity and local power.

Michelle Barraṯawuy, (Octogenarian and Baymarrwaŋa’s granddaughter) is taking bilingual education to her project on country, teaching kids about maypal, while collecting them, and referencing – Maypal, Mayali’ ga Wäŋa: Shellfish, Meaning & Place.[i]  On distant Murrungga Island she is using the book as a tool to teach kids to read, while she takes kids to the sea – passing on local knowledge, science, and learning how to obtain nutritious food in healthy surroundings.

Barraṯawuy observes, ‘djäma limurr dhu marr ga limurr dhu guyaŋa rom ga dhäwu maypalwalaŋuwuy. We must work to remember the law and stories of the shellfish’.[ii]

At Gäwa, senior man Dhawa, at his homeland at the northern tip of Galiwin’ku tells us; Ŋurruṉaŋgal ŋätjil djanal banha maypalyu bili bilanyamiyu waluyu ḻuŋgurrrmayu: the north wind tells of the ancestors and the time for maypal in the Warramiri Language.[iii] A practical expression of kinship the intergenerational transfer of ‘locality specific’ ancestral knowledge, language and identity, he and others on homelands are working to reinvigorate important knowledge about country, food and identity around Yolŋu tradition.

Maypal, Mayali’ ga Wäŋa: Shellfish, Meaning & Place incorporates seven languages from across North East Arnhem Land.  We are giving this book to schools and homelands for free. This is a gift of intergenerational generosity in line with the obligation to help a new generation ‘walk in the footsteps of the ancestors’[iv].

Attachment One

Review of the Milingimbi LPC hand out- Dodd, James. Homelands Teacher.

Yurruwi School Milingimbi, Crocodile islands was treated to a visit from Australian Anthropological Royalty last week!

With gathering national fame, Bentley James made his way on stage at the grand opening of the school’s new Learning Publication Centre. Dr. James is our new Donald Thompson! (That pioneering and celebrated anthropologist to the top end in the 30’s)……  In a hundred years or so, future Australians will look back with gratitude for the twenty years Dr. James tirelessly spent documenting the ancient and dying Yan-nhangu language of the Crocodile islands and preserving its precious record.  There are no other Australians alive, quite like him. Certainly no other Balanda could even dream to share his window of understanding.

Each time I have had the pleasure to witness Dr. James make a public address I have seen the anticipation build in the audience of Yolngu, staff, students and community members. They know they are in for a euphoric celebration. They are to be treated to a speech in their own language delivered by a White man but which they know will entertain and connect with them completely.

Bentley did not disappoint. Within seconds, the audience was in stitches. An energy exploded from the crowd and cocooned the outdoor space connecting and unifying everyone. We all smiled. We all felt excited whether we understood Yolngu Matha or not. What a treat it was for the children to be entertained by such a dynamic voice in their native tongue. But what a shame job it was for all the monolinguist Balanda who sat floundering in their lack of comprehension.

Bentley spoke to us about the ancestors, about the link between them, us and those yet to be born. He talked about his relationship with Baymarwanga, The Big Boss of the Crocodile islands and of his 20 year journey with her mapping the country and learning her language. He told the students the nickname she gave him and the students collapsed with laughter. He reminded them of the Big Blue Book, the Atlas and Dictionary of the Crocodile Islands which he and Big Boss had made for them. And at last he presented his new publication, the Golden Leafed Red Hardback outlining Maypal, the shellfish of the Crocodile Islands

Bentley held us all-spellbound but when he left the stage it was like a bridge fell down.

A high vibrational field emanates from Bentley when you walk with him through the community. He knows and jokes with everyone. He has mastered one of our precious dying languages completely and has become as one with the land and sea from which that language was born. Bentley is a megaphone of the message that all Australians can share the link with the Dreamtime. That we are obliged to open our hearts. That we are all united by the pleasure felt beneath a moonlit starry night spent sitting by the fire and telling our stories. The Australian culture and language evolves as it always has, dictated by the land and the sea, unifying us, whether we are black or white and from a time long before 1788.

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[i] James, B. North Australian Indigenous Land and Sea Management Alliance Ltd (NAILSMA) (2016) Maypal, Mayali’ ga Wäŋa: Shellfish, Meaning & Place. A Yolŋu Bilingual Identification Guide to Shellfish of North East Arnhem Land. NAILSMA Ltd.

[ii] ibid p2

[iii] ibid p10

[iv] Baymarrwaŋa, L., James, B,. (2014) ‘Yan-nhaŋu Atlas and Illustrated Dictionary of the Crocodile Islands.’ The Tien-Wah press, Singapore & Sydney Australia.

IF A PICTURE PAINTS A THOUSAND WORDS !?

Thankyou Ramingining School for the fabulous hand out !!!

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CHEERS !!!

NAIDOC WEEK – Language Champions; thankyou from Baymarrwaŋa & Bentley

Our Languages Matter !!! Thank you to the people at NAIDOC;

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‘So greatful for this award, thank you, let me say that, the fight to save our precious language heritage goes on’. and that we have alwasy felt that ‘In the land where ‘closing the gap‘ is short hand for assimilation, and assimilation means extinction, we understand Ted Strehlow to be on the right track’ ;

“Above all, let us permit native children to keep their own languages, -those beautiful and expressive tongues, rich in true Australian imagery, charged with poetry and with love for all that is great, ancient and eternal in the continent. There is no need to fear that their own languages will interfere with the learning of English as the common medium of expression for all Australians. In most areas of Australia the natives have been bilingual, probably from time immemorial. Today white Australians are among the few remaining civilized people who still think that knowledge of one language is the normal limit of linguistic achievement.”

T.G.H Strelow, 1958.

TRIUMPH OF THE MAYPAL: YOLŊU POETRY & THE HAPPINESS OF SHELLFISH.

David Hancock rocks the house at the non-official launch Maypal, Mayali’ ga Wäŋa: Shellfish, Meaning & Place. A Yolŋu Bilingual Identification Guide to Shellfish of North East Arnhem Land.

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“For Yolŋu people, language and country are connected parts of a sacred inheritance, the wellspring of knowledge, wisdom and a truly priceless possession. This wisdom is reflected here in this collection in the Yolŋu names, poetry and ecological associations of maypal.”

We were overwhelmed by David’s magnificent close up photographs of the characters of the sea shore and their most intimate moments.

Then, I described the precise scientific (Linnaean) identifications with matching colour photographs that make it the only comprehensive field guide to Australian shellfish above the tropic of Capricorn and thus utterly unique.

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Then, under a full moon, I read a poem by Barraṯawuy, we had free drinks and it was a wonderful night. Thank you to all of you who came, it was lovely to see you!

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Barraṯawuy –  “Yakarra manupaŋu”

Yalalaŋumirrinydja  walalany dhu ŋuthan dhiyakidhi maypalgu wiripu yäku mala ga marŋgithirr.

Later as the children grow they will learn the many names of shellfish.

Ḻirra-ŋäṉ’ka gaŋga galkirri ga ḻuŋgurrma gaŋga, ga djalathaŋ, ŋayaŋu wargugu ḻiya roŋiyirr gurruṯukurr.

When the wind blows gently from the North-west, softly from the North, the South, you remember loved ones.

Gapu wapurarr ŋayi ga ŋorra ga ḻirra ŋäṉ’ka

ŋayaŋu nhuŋu wuyunhamirr gurrupanmirr ŋayaŋu marrtji nhuŋuwuy gurruṯumirr yarratakurr marratjamirriŋulil ga marrkapthun bitjandhi billi bala maypal yurrnha nhe dhu märram.

When the sea is calm, when the wind blows gently from the North-west, you yearn for family, long gone – remembered, this is the time to gather shellfish.

Ḻirra-ŋäṉ’ka ŋayaŋu nhuŋu wuyunhamirr gurrupanmirr ga dhamanapan guyaŋanhawuy djäy’-ŋupan gurruṯumirriyanhamirr

When the wind blows, feelings intertwine joining with memories, memories of loved ones;

Maypal nhe dhu guyaŋa ga ŋayaŋu nhuŋu dhaman

apanminy djäy’-ŋupan gurruṯumirriyanhamirr.

remember the shellfish and your heart will reconnect with family and friends.

 

 

NAIDOC WEEK MAYPAL

https://www.facebook.com/David-Hancock-Photography-401672776569114/

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Maypal – tales from the Yolngu tidal zone.

The Yolngu coastal range covers 1500 kilometres of coastline to the mainland and 1750 kilometres of coastline on the islands.

Twenty-three striking images from the Arnhem Land tidal zone will be exhibited at the gallery by north Australian photographer, David Hancock, a major contributor to the publication.

Maypal, mayali’ ga wanja: shellfish, meaning and place, is a Yolngu bilingual identification guide to shellfish of north-eastern Arnhem Land; the beautifully bound book is written in three languages – Yolngu Matha, English and Latin and is designed to celebrate, pass on and protect Indigenous knowledge of the region.

Dr Bentley James – distinguished Arnhem Land beachcomber, Yolngu shellfish name collector, anthropologist, author and linguist, will launch a unique publication at Gallery TwoSix in Winnellie on Friday evening.

Here in the Northern myth: https://blogs.crikey.com.au/northern/2017/07/04/maypal-mayali-ga-wanja-tales-yolngu-tidal-zone/ you can read about Maypal, mayali’ ga wanja: shellfish, meaning and place, the Yolngu bilingual identification guide to shellfish of north-eastern Arnhem Land.

The Milingimbi Fishing Industry: The story of the River Song 1960 – 1975

RIVERSONG GULLICK

 

The crowning glory of the Milingimbi Fishing Industry RIVER SONG at Dhamala on the Glyde River steaming towards ‘White Star Landing’ and the freezers at Naŋgalala (Photograph courtesy Joyce Gullick Collection, Circa mid 1960’s)

Yolŋu people say ‘ŋuli napurr gan ninhan gapu monukŋur : We have always lived by the sea”, and so in 1961 some of the older Yolŋu men and the Milingimbi School Principal Alan Fidock sought to develop an appropriately culture based fishing enterprise at Milingimbi.[i] During the 1950’s and 1960’s this industrious group of artists provided paintings for a prosperous arts industry generating a comparative wealth for a number of senior men and giving them disposable money to buy boats.[ii] These senior men wanted boats to go fishing for their families. They collaborated in an autonomous local fishing industry which employed several important old and new techniques to catch fish. These techniques incorporated; spears, fish traps, trolling lures, baited fishing lines and the key commercial technique of gill-netting rivers for barramundi. Barramundi was at the time the most marketable of local fish, although mackerel and tuna were sometimes caught around the outer Crocodile Islands of Murruŋga and Gurriba. Local fishermen were paid for their catch and profits took care of the local business infrastructure.

My beautiful picture

L – R Bininyawuy (Nyinyimi), Dawiti, Djawa and Burranday. Painting in the shade at the park at Ŋarawundhu (Photograph courtesy Fidock Collection, 686. Circa 1965)

A good deal of the fish caught, except those for sale, were shared freely with families in accordance with Yolŋu tradition. The ethic of sharing is central to Yolŋu values and at the heart of the local industry. Many local stories extol the virtue of sharing and warn against greed[iii]. Yolŋu fishermen say they are related to the sea, and that they sing the songs of the fish and the names of the sea. When island people have caught enough fish for their needs they stop fishing. People say, ‘we are not greedy fishermen: limurr yaka ḻalkal guyaginiŋ’. It is the nature of local business that after the fish has been shared out; sometimes there was not enough Barramundi to sustain a strictly commercial fishery. Yolŋu people do not see the market as the judge of value in their relationship with each other, the sea, or the commercial interests in their fisheries; they have a far older tradition to sustain their views.[iv] While out on their sea country they are looking after the coasts, keeping up island fire regimes, beach combing and visiting important ritual sites.

My beautiful picture

RIVER SONG moored at Ŋamuyani (Photograph courtesy Fidock Collection, 939. Circa 1965)

In 1965 Yolŋu Skipper Alfred Guŋupuny Garawirrtja and Yuwati Djambarrpuyŋu went to Brisbane to pick up the new fishing boat RIVER SONG. The captain they had paid to help them learn the ropes abandoned ship on Thursday Island, leaving the young men to sail her home alone.

With the RIVER SONG’S esky filled with ice the men would take their families out to the islands to collect wurrurwurruru (sand crabs) and shellfish for bait. Children would chase and dig out the scuttling sand crabs for the fishermen, and the women would collect nyoka’ (mud crabs) for sale as part of the crabbing industry. Although a number of traditional methods for catching fish were used, like the old three prong spear djimiṉḏi’, the most prolific methods were netting and line fishing. The reason why such comparatively large quantities of fish were able to be caught by line fishing is simple; Yolŋu people really know a lot about how to catch fish. Given thousands of generations of intimate co-existence with the sea they know precisely the pattern of seasonal fish movements. They know where the different kinds of fish are, what they eat, and when and how to catch them and more interestingly they know their names, dances and their family relationships. [1]

My beautiful picture

L- R Buruminy, Djapala, Yipity (sitting), Mamukun, Banhdharawuy, Djeriŋgal, weighing fresh fish (Photograph courtesy Fidock Collection, 277. Circa 1965)

Fishing with a net catches a number of fish that do not take bait, and are so only caught in this way. These include; nyuŋala, oxeye herring, wäkuṉ, sea mullet, garkuyi, blue-tailed mullet, whereas others, such as ratjuk, barramundi are also caught with handlines. So too are djuḻurrpi, giant threadfin, and yarrwarri the queen fish. Yarrwarri were also commonly caught in good numbers trolling with a lure behind the boat, as were dhinimbu’, mackerel and tuna, warrukay, barracuda, gaḻaya, golden trevally and dhakuḏa’, white trevally. Reef fish were caught by skilful angling with baited handlines, usually with crabs or shellfish, in the lea of the tidal wash over the coral reef as the changing tide brings edible titbits within their reach. Many smaller but tasty reef fish were caught this way including; wuḻwindi, painted sweetlips, maṯpuna’, bream, bambaŋa’, red emperor, ŋarrawu, mangrove jack, wäṉḏurrk, whiting and the highly prized au, or ḏiḏimu, blue tusk fish. There is so much more to learn about fish and fishing here that it takes years of intergenerational transmission, what is patently clear is respect for sharing, kinship and continuities with local traditions remain at the heart of local ideas about fishing.

My beautiful picture

L-R Mamukun, Alfred Guŋupuny (Skipper), Big Bill Danyguli Buthurrugulil going fishing (Photograph courtesy Fidock Collection, 950. Circa 1965)

On return to Milingimbi the fishermen would sell their fish to the co-operative. Commercially valuable species like the big barramundi were processed to a very high standard of sanitation and in a style designed for sale in far flung southern markets. Those fish that were not of any commercial value were often those most highly valued by a discerning local piscatorial palate. For example, garkuyi mullet, gently roasted on mangrove twigs by the beach absorb a smoky flavour into the yellow buttery fat that has no equivalent.

My beautiful picture

Mowandjil Garawirrtja (Birrkili) filleting Barramundi for sale. (Photograph courtesy Fidock Collection, 1064. Circa 1965)

The fish that were in demand for the fishing industry were very carefully cleaned, skinned and filleted to remove all bones and others such as mackerel were cut into cutlets. Fish parts were then packed into polythene bags and frozen for markets. When time to transport came these bags were packed into waxen cardboard boxes of standard sizes and put onto planes or barges with refrigerators. This was all part of maintaining the local industry and creating enough profit to sustain the small scale local infrastructure. Experience shows that many small businesses fail even in times of an economic mining boom and small scale industries are vulnerable to shocks from powerful natural or economic influences.

When the weather got rough the captain would take the RIVER SONG to shelter at Manigarratha Creek just around the corner north of Ŋamuyani .[v] But, on the morning of April 8, 1975 the captain and everyone else was taken by surprise when Cyclone Amelia, the first cyclone after Cyclone Tracy, dashed RIVER SONG on the rocks at Ŋamuyani. There she stayed in front of the giant tamarind tree called Rulku for many years.

RIVERSON COLLINS

(Photo courtesy Milingimbi CEC, BRDU, Ŋamuyani Milingimbi Mid Circa 1970s)[vi]

The death of the RIVER SONG signalled the end of the Milingimbi fishing industry. It may have been possible to have repaired her. In 1976 the Department of Aboriginal Affairs responded, ‘in view of the need to cut government expenditure’ so only 5000 dollars was available for the fishing industry.[2] Yolŋu eagerness to participate in economic activities, while retaining their relative autonomy, married well with the activities of a local fishing industry. It provides a good example of an occasion of a shared interest, interest in fishing by locals and the market’s desire for profit, together supporting conscionable and sustainable ecological exploitation, under local direction. People continue to catch fish and share. The Crocodile Islands Rangers project was set up in part to revive the sharing of fish. In 2009 senior Australian of the year Laurie Baymarrwaŋa inaugurated the Crocodile Islands Rangers program with the expression, ‘Lima gurrku guya riya-gunhanyini ŋalimalamagu gurruṯuwaygu : We will share our fish with our kin’[vii] In the end the ethic of sharing and spiritual connection are strong moral drivers of sustainable social and ecological relations. As Alan Fidock himself says ‘the way a southern fishery is run could never have been acceptable to the people of Milingimbi.’ After all people follow the law, Rom.

Rom, nhä yuwalktja romtja wäŋaw ga guyaw ga nyoka’w?[3]

Ga dhuwal ŋapurr gan nhinan munybunuman. Ŋapurr dhu ga nhina yolŋu ga guya ŋapurr warrpam. Yolŋu, ga wäŋa ga guya, ga maypal, yakumirr, ga gurruṯumirr. Nhakun ŋaṉḏimirriŋu wo marimirriŋu, ga yuwalk riŋgitj walalaŋgu ga ŋorra, ga Dhuwa ga Yirritja warrpam. Walalaŋ dhu ga djägaŋur ga nhina. Ga wäŋa, ga guya gurruṯumirr, warrpamgu, Dhuwa ga Yirrijta ga walal dhu manapanmirr ŋurrukidhi romgu, ga dardaryun, ga djäga walaldhu. Balanya, wäŋa limurr dhu djäga, dhuwalidhi ŋapurr yaka dhu ga buma guya warrpamgum, ga ḻurrkundhu märram.

Law, what is the law for country, fish and crabs?

We have been here forever. We co-exist with the country and the fish. The people, fish, shellfish and places have names, and are connected in kinship. Similar to our relationship with our mothers, or our mother’s mothers, we have strong elemental links to other groups, and all are linked by moiety.[viii] We all care for our country and our fish, for all things. All people Dhuwa and Yirritja hold to this sacred law, we sing the songs, we take care. This is how we look after our country, this is why we don’t kill all the fish, but take just what we need.

There were many successful fishing industries spread along the northern coast housed in indigenous communities, on the Tiwi Islands, Crocker Island, Maningrida, Galiwin’ku and further afield with their histories waiting to be told and perhaps waiting to be rekindled.[ix]

Addendum –The Milingimbi Fishing Industry by Lange Powel – Fishing Advisor – 1972-75

Fishing activity at Milingimbi underwent some important changes during the first half of the 1970’s – not only because of the wrecking of the RIVER SONG, and its impact on fishing opportunity; but also because of broader developments in the United Church in Northern Australia (UCNA), and the election of the Whitlam Labour Government in December 1972.

With the RIVER SONG out of action and deemed unsalvageable, Milingimbi fishers had access to privately- or Mission-owned aluminium dinghies, powered by high-revving outboard motors.  The technology was less than ideal, both because of the vessels’ limitations of size, and because of the vulnerability of the motors to damage, drowning, inappropriate fuel/oil mixes and other mishaps.

The financial arrangements of the industry also changed from those which had applied during the 1960’s.  In 1972, men and women assigned to the fishing crews received a training allowance, related essentially to their attendance at the worksite rather than to any assessment of their catch.  In addition, the fishing enterprise was regarded by the Mission primarily as a potential revenue source – by no means an unreasonable expectation, given the financial constraints within which UCNA had to operate; but inevitably in some tension with traditional obligations around the sharing of the catch, as described earlier in this article; and also, to some extent, with emerging ideas about sustainable economic development within the management capacity and cultural ‘fit’ of the Aboriginal community.

In September 1972, UCNA appointed Lange Powell as fishing adviser on Milingimbi, assigned to work with 2 principal families with a strong history (and community reputation) as skilled fishers.  Several members are pictured elsewhere in this article.  Lange arrived after 2 years’ volunteer work in Madagascar, with a keen interest in contemporary thinking around community development in what was then commonly known as the ‘Third World’.

Unsurprisingly, Lange had more to learn from Aboriginal fishers than to teach about fishing techniques in these waters.  Instead, his contribution focussed on introducing more robust, fit-for-purpose boats and engines (consistent with the ‘intermediate technology’ ideas being advanced at the time by EF Schumacher[4]); and on assisting the fishing crews to develop a stronger appreciation of a simple cash economy related to their catch rather than on external (if more reliable) sources of income.

In practice, these endeavours found expression, at various times, in initiatives such as:

  • The purchase of 3 larger fibreglass boats, 2 with built-in iceboxes, powered by small marine diesels;
  • The training of an Aboriginal mechanic in the maintenance of this plant;
  • The trialling of a ‘mobile fish shop’ – a set of scales mounted on a Landrover which slowly wound its way through the Milingimbi camps, selling fish and crabs for cash as it went.

The Whitlam Government introduced a number of policy changes that had a profound impact on these efforts.  For example, the modest training allowance paid to fishers (and a wide range of other workers), on traditional communities was replaced by a commitment to publicly-funded award wage payments.  Wages were still unrelated to basic elements of productivity – a precarious economic approach in a primary industry environment like fishing.

Significant investment capital became available for a variety of enterprises – fishing, cattle, timber exploitation, to name three.  Although a welcome relief from the financial constraints of previous years, this measure had a number of less desirable long-term consequences in many Aboriginal communities.  These included, for example:

  • an over-investment in sophisticated and inappropriate technologies;
  • the formation of Aboriginal companies which remained reliant (and sometimes heavily so), on balanda expertise, both to direct operations and to control finances;
  • the creation of business models in which substantial loans were granted and notionally had to be repaid, but were well outside the experience and world outlook of the Aboriginal families and communities that were responsible for them.

These unintended consequences, and their undermining of what purported to be a policy of building Aboriginal self-determination, have been identified and analysed in a range of publications[5].

These developments notwithstanding, daily life for Milingimbi fishers changed relatively little during the mid-1970’s.  Line fishing remained a preferred technique over netting – often for understandable reasons.  Gill nets placed to seaward of mangroves regularly disappeared overnight under the weight of shark (bulmandji) – a species generally shunned as food by the yolŋu, and of little commercial value in Darwin; and generating a catch which resulted in a good deal of heavy work and lengthy net repairs.

Women, often with their children, continued to hunt mud crabs with djimuku [a hooked steel rod]; and this produce was, in fact, exported in modest quantities for sale.

Larger, more seaworthy boats enabled longer trips to be undertaken to more distant islands like Murruŋga – but with a clear emphasis on maintaining traditional associations with land and on gathering foods like eggs from the nests of turtles (miyapunu), in the appropriate season, rather than on seeking a commercially-richer catch.

NOTES, ENDNOTES, ACKNOWLEGDEMENTS, AND BIBLIOGRAPHY

[1] Gurruṯu, or system of kinship extends social relations to all aspects of the environment brining everything into named relationships, hence the interesting notion ‘that fish is my brother’ is not so ‘odd’ an expression to Yolŋu people.

[2] National Archives Australia Box E629.1976/10/7203 Department of Aboriginal Affairs – application for funds – Milingimbi Community Incorporated – Fishing and Crabbing.

[3] Rom, the law, includes correct behaviour in sharing, in kinship and proper practice in dance, song, and ritual, but more deeply it urges principled striving for harmony and balance in relationships in society and nature.

[4] EF Schumacher: Small is Beautiful: A Study of Economics as if People Mattered.  Blond & Briggs 1973

[5] See for example: Charlie Ward: A Handful of Sand: The Gurindji Struggle, After the Walk-off.  Monash University Publishing 2016 and Peter Sutton: The Politics of Suffering.  Melbourne University Press 2011 (second edition)

[i] Alan Fidock Pers Com 2017

[ii] David Malangi received a medallion presented by Dr. H.C. (Nugget) Combes, one 1000 dollars, with which he bought a boat, and a fishing tackle box, for his Gurrmirriŋu great hunter ancestor image on the one dollar note. Norman Daymirriŋu, grandson. Pers Com, Jenkins et al 2004:34.

[iii] Greed is reviled by Yolŋu and expressed in deprecations like; biyaŋ, gaypunhamirri, guḻga, ḻalkal; miyarrka, rakal, ŋaramutj, wangarrak. Zorc 1986.

[iv] The average price for frozen ‘barra’ circa 1960s from north east Arnhem Land was around 1.50 per kg.

[v] Alt: Maduŋgum Ck – (Walamaŋu-Yan-nhaŋu) (James et al 2003)

[vi] Milingimbi Community Education Centre Bilingual Resources Development Unit BRDU. Thankyou to Paula Madiwirr, Jenny Robins.

[vii] Laurie Baymarrwaŋa 2006 Crocodile Islands Initiative (Crocodile Islands Rangers program) History of the Crocodile Islands Rangers Unpublished notes, B. James.

 

Bibliography

Baymarrwaŋa, L., James, B. 2014, Yan-nhaŋu Atlas and Illustrated Dictionary of the Crocodile Islands. Tien wah press, Singapore & Sydney Australia.

Fidock, A., Williams, D 1982. Introducing Aboriginal Australians., The Aboriginal Austrians of north eastern Arnhem Land, Series III, the Curriculum Development Centre, Canberra, Mead and Beckett Publishing Sydney.

Jenkins. S, 2004. No ordinary place the art of David Malangi Susan Jenkins (Ed). National Gallery of Australia. NGA. ACT.

National Archives Australia Box E629.1976/10/7203 Department of Aboriginal Affairs – application for funds – Milingimbi Community Incorporated – fishing and crabbing.

Zorc, R. D. P. 1986. Yolngu Matha Dictionary. Batchelor, NT: School of Australian Linguistics, Darwin Institute of Technology.

Acknowledgements

A very big thank you to: Alan and Lillian Fidock for their enormous contribution over the years and their wonderful photographic record of an amazing period. Thanks also to Joyce Gullick who, with her husband Clem and son, who worked with Yolŋu in East Arnhem Land for many years in the commercial fishing industry that operated at Galiwinku Elcho Island in the 1960’s. Thank you to Ted Whittaker who worked at Milingimbi for years and brought our attention to this photo of the Rivers Song that appeared on the ALPA RJCP face book site under the title. “EAST ARNHEM’S ECONOMIC PAST: 2015-05-27. Thanks also to Ross Campbell from the Galiwin’ku fishing industry, son Don Gindha, and daughter Sonia, for their friendship and knowledge. Thanks to Ruben and his wife and their son David Collins for their work and companionship at Milingimbi and at Elcho. Thank you to Sue Raeburn, Kay Thurlow, Henry Harper and Margret Miller who have in one way or another been behind so many positive projects of over the years. More thanks goes to my mother Michele Barratawuy Garrawurra, and elders; Colin Yerrilil Djambarrpuyŋu, Master Joe Baŋguli Wangurri, Nellie Milindirri Gupapuyŋu, Susan Balbuŋa Warrawarra, Judy Djinmalina Gamalaŋga, Norman Daymirriŋu and to Sandra, Michael, John and Mathew Garawirrtja for their help. Thank you to Baymarrwaŋa.

[viii] Dhuwa and Yirritja are two halves, or moieties of the Yolŋu system of thought that divides the world into two categories, classifying every aspect of the physical and spiritual world. These moieties are characterised by complementary reciprocal relations understood to create the fundamental conditions for life. (Baymarrwaŋa and James 2014:26)

[ix] Text and research Bentley James.

Crabbing Industry at Milingimbi and the Crocodile Islands 1960-1975.

In the1920’s the Reverend James Watson described Milingimbi Island as an ‘emerald jewel in a sapphire sea’ (Mackenzie 1976: 28). The Rev Theodore Webb, 1925-39 describes ‘primeval mud, swarming with crocodiles’ (McKenzie 1976: 34). Certainly there are lots of mangrove tree lined rivers full of crocodiles and mud in the Crocodile Islands. In the early 1960s the fishing industry at Milingimbi had a prosperous side line in the form of a crabbing industry. The crabbing industry was orchestrated entirely by Milingimbi women who worked energetically in the mangrove forests surrounded by the constant danger of crocodiles.[i] A system of job sharing, an informal practice among the men working at Milingimbi at the time, was followed by the women, with some looking after children, fixing nets and weaving while others caught crabs. The ladies who formed the vanguard of the industry were; Ŋuluru, Mayŋgurawuy, Djarrakurramawuy, Yaŋgana, Yalapany, Djaŋ’kawu, Ganyitiŋu, Warrŋayun and Muwat no 1[ii] All are well remembered as are those old crabbing days.

On Milingimbi Island, or more properly Yurruwi, largest of the inner Crocodile Islands, reside a wonderland of mangrove forests.[iii] The Islands rich in mud are rich in mud crabs that live in the mangroves (gathul)[iv] and sometimes can be found swimming in the shallow water on the mud flats (ṉinydjiya). Each day at Milingimbi, depending on the tides, the women would go to a different named mangrove forest to look for crabs. At different times, and tides, the women would search the mud in the mangroves for crabs at; Ŋambalpuma, Djiŋgilimara, Muwala, Binimirriŋguli, Gatjaw, Guḏudutji, Baḻma, Bulmatjirra and at Womila. [v]At the end of each day, or again depending on the tide, Alan or Lillian Fidock, or their helpers would pick up the ladies. After 1972 Lange Powell and Peter Dunstan would drive out to the edge of the mangroves to pick up the women and the crabs. At other times the men would take boats to the outer reef to fish and drop the women on the islands. The children would accompany them and learn their roles. The following story is happily remembered by Michelle, one of those lucky children.

Nhuŋi ŋapurr ŋyumukuniny

Nhuŋi ŋapurr ŋyumukuniny yan ŋapurr martjin bala River Songthu dhakalil nyoka’w, guyaw dirramun ga miyalk nyoka’w, ga djamarrkuḻi dhu marrtji buma wurruruwurruru ga goŋ gurrupan dirramuny märr ga walal dhu guya rakum. Walaltja miyalkwurr marrtjin ḻarrthalil nyoka’lil. Ga ŋunhi walal dhawathurr ḻarrthaŋur nyoka’mirr, ga walal roŋiyirriny marthaŋayu dirramuwurr mala guyamirr, walala dhu bala gurtha märram ga dhaŋalkum guyaw ga nyoka’w. Ḻurrkun ḻukanharraw ga wirripun marrtji fridgelil. Bala ŋayi captain waŋan ‘marrtjin limurr!’ bala wala miyalk marrtjin yan Wudarritjthu ga dirramu mala marrtji River Songdhu bala Milingimbilil. Watjim walal nyoka’ ga mipthurr guya ga bala galkaranha freezerlil. Yalala walaldhu sellinggu. Bala walal ga djulŋithirri bukmak yolŋu-yulŋu, ga balanya walal gan ḻukanhan guya free.

When we were young

When we were young we would go with the fishermen on the River Song and out to the islands to collect mud crabs with the women. We children would collect wurruruwurruru (sand crabs) as bait for the men’s fishing lines. The women would go into the mangroves to collect nyoka’ (mud crabs). We would collect fire wood and make a fire. When the men got back with fish, and the ladies got back with crabs we would eat some of them on the beach. Then the captain says ‘let’s go!’ and the men would return to Milingimbi on the River Song and the women would return on Wudarritj. Then we would wash the mud off the crabs and fillet the fish and put them in the freezer for selling. We were all happy and we had a big feed of fresh fish and crabs.[vi]

This photograph is taken on Bodjiriki Island. The little white boat in the left mid ground is Wudarritj, Big Bill Buthurugulili (Daŋyguli) was the captain. The black barge is Wurrpan no 2 – ŋurru djinbulk (sharp nose)[vii], behind which lies a lipa-lipa or dugout canoe. The island in the left background is Martharayŋa, and on the right is Djiŋgilimarra and Ŋambalpuma at Milingimbi. The trees in the middle ground are giyapara mangrove trees and look the same today as they did back then. Women would also take crabs from the other inner Crocodile Islands at; Gurmurrmurraŋa at Rapuma, Ganaŋgarrŋa Is, Martharayŋa Is, and mugupala Ck. at Nilpaywa Is.

My beautiful picture

Women crabbing at Bodjiriki Island. (Photograph courtesy Fidock Collection, 1602. Circa 1964)

When the tide goes out the crabs retreat to large holes in the deep grey anoxic mud and under the tangled mangrove roots. Ladies poke a stick, or the preferred steel rod with a hook at the end djimiku, into the opaque muddy holes and under the roots to feel for the tell-tale knock of hard crab shell. Then the game of wrestling them out without getting caught by the powerful nippers begins. Once out on the ground it is sometimes easier to break off the arm, and render the claws harmless, but the women carefully tie up the claws with string and, holding them down with their feet, wrap the string around, so that the crabs don’t fight. The powerful claws can easily crush fingers and toes and do damage to each other in the bag.

My beautiful picture

Untied crabs escaping from the bag. (Photograph courtesy Fidock Collection, 119. Circa 1965)

Mud crabs, nyoka for males and nyeŋa for females are plentiful on the inner islands[viii].Women only take the male crabs so as not to interfere with the natural increase. As Alan Fidock says ‘the women are consummate conservationists’. They said ‘we only take the males so there will be plenty of crabs for tomorrow’. So too, by moving around and leaving the females the crab population of any one place does not decline too significantly.

All of these named places in the mangroves are also home to crocodiles (bäru). The women kept a sharp eye on these large reptiles while out collecting crabs and when a bäru was spotted a great commotion erupted making sure everyone knew exactly what size and where the bäru is. Long experience and co-existence beget a mutual wariness and everyone and everything, reptiles, crabs and people got along fine as long as the rules are followed. Like everything that emerges from the mangroves the crabs were covered in mud.

My beautiful picture

Here is Marragalbiyana (Gamalaŋga) and Wulukaŋ (Warramiri) washing crabs at Ŋamuyani Milingimbi. (Photograph courtesy Fidock Collection, 223. Circa 1965)

The crabs must be handled very carefully and could not be left for too long and so were weighed and processed as soon as could be. A full grown male mud crab weighs in at about one kilogram. When all the crabs were tied up they were washed in cold sea water. This removed any mud and sand.

My beautiful picture

Crabs washed and tied and ready for cooking (Photograph courtesy Fidock Collection, 539. Circa 1965)

Before the crabs were cooked in boiling hot sea water, they were put in the freezer for about half an hour to stun them first. After the crabs had come out of the freezer they were immobilised and easy to pop into the big pot of boiling sea water. When the crabs turn bright orange then you can be sure they are cooked. They are left to cool for a while and then placed straight into the freezer to be sent to markets in Queensland and down south.

My beautiful picture

Frozen crabs in the freezer ready for export. (Photograph courtesy Fidock Collection, 118. Circa 1965)

Some crab meat was packed separately. When the crab comes out of the hot water it is left to cool. Once cooled the crab was cracked open. The white flesh of the crabs is removed and washed with cool sea water. The flesh from the crabs is packed into hard plastic containers and frozen for transport.  Don Williams and Alan Fidock (1982) describe the process in detail;

‘Throughout the processing of fish and crabs, speed and cleanliness are very important. Both types of meat spoil very easily. The whole process must be handled carefully from the time that the fish and crabs are taken live from the water or mud. Even when frozen, care must be taken to make sure that the temperatures of the freezers stay well below freezing point, and do not alter. When fish or crab meat is going to Darwin or other cities, special precautions are taken. Travel is by refrigerated ship or barge, or direct by plane in special containers to make sure that the quality is maintained’ (Fidock and Williams 1982: 205)

Milingimbi senior men, Joe Banguli (Wangurri) and Colin Yerrilil (Djambarrpuyŋu) reminisce that, children would gather around the freezer shed here at Ŋamuyani and wait for any cooked crabs legs that had fallen off to be handed out to them.

My beautiful picture

Jeffery Dhupuditj Garrawitja (Birrkili) packing frozen mud crabs at Ŋamuyani Milingimbi for transport by air to markets in the south. (Photograph courtesy Fidock Collection, 1062. Circa 1965)

Alan says that the Milingimbi crabs were often marketed as QLD mud crabs in Sydney in those days. Before the end of the RIVER SONG and changing global influences, it was imagined that the fishing industry might be a permanent local enterprise.  ‘The exporting of fish, and crabs, could eventually become very important for the local economy in North Eastern Arnhem Land, but first local needs must be met.’ (Fidock and Williams 1982: 203).

Women still go out collecting mud crabs at Milingimbi visiting the same named places. On the weekends you can see the smoke rising from the edge of the mangroves and hear the laughter of the children, and smell the burning mangrove stick as crabs are roasted and shared with family.[ix]

Acknowledgements

A very big thank you to: Alan and Lillian Fidock for their enormous contribution over the years and their wonderful photographic record of an amazing period. Thank you to Sue Raeburn, Kay Thurlow and Margret Miller who have in one way or another been behind so many positive projects of over the years. More thanks goes to my mother Michele Barratawuy Garrawurra, and elders; Colin Yerrilil Djambarrpuyŋu, Master Joe Baŋguli Wangurri, Nellie Milindirri Gupapuyŋu, Susan Balbuŋa Warrawarra, Judy Djinmalina Gamalaŋga, Norman Daymirriŋu and to Sandra, Michael, John and Mathew Garawirrtja for their help. And last of all to Big Boss who described the daily detail from the shade of trees on the beaches of Murruŋga.

Bibliography

Fidock, A., Williams, D. 1982. Introducing Aboriginal Australians. The Aboriginal Austrians of north eastern Arnhem Land, Series III, the Curriculum Development Centre, Canberra, Mead and Beckett Publishing Sydney.

James, B.1997. Notes and maps on Marine Turtle Custodians of Murruŋga. Unpublished

James, B., Baymarrwaŋa, L., Gularrbaŋa, R., Djarrga, M., Nyaŋbal, R., & Nyuŋunyuŋu, M., S., 2. 2003, Yan-nhaŋu Dictionary (Darwin NT: Charles Darwin University and Milingimbi: CEC Literature Production Centre) ISBN 0-9751719-0-9.

James, B. 2009a. Time and Tide in the Crocodile Islands: Change and Continuity in Yan-nhangu Marine Identity. Ph.D. Dissertation. School of Social Sciences, Anthropology and Archaeology. A.N.U. Canberra A.C.T. Unpublished.

James, B. 2009c. Yan-nhangu Ecological Knowledge and Learning in the Crocodile Islands: How to enhance biological, cultural and linguistic diversity through developing links NAILSMA Ltd.  C.D.U. Darwin. N.T.

James, B 2010c. Crocodile Islands Rangers Prospectus Report on prospects for upscaling Ranger Program for Yan-nhangu Maringa language groups and sea country. Murrungga Island. Unpublished. N.T.

Baymarrwaŋa, L. and B, James, 2014, Yan-nhaŋu Atlas and Illustrated Dictionary of the Crocodile Islands. Tien wah press, Singapore & Sydney Australia.

Lowe, B. 2004 Yolngu-English Dictionary ARDS Inc. Darwin, N.T.

McKenzie, M. (1976), Mission to Arnhem Land (Adelaide, SA: Rigby).

Zorc, R.D. 1986. Yolngu Matha Dictionary, Darwin, NT: School of Australian Linguistics, Darwin Institute of Technology).

End notes

[i] Described in Baymarrwaŋa, L. and B, James, 2014, Yan-nhaŋu Atlas and Illustrated Dictionary of the Crocodile Islands. Tien wah press, Singapore & Sydney Australia.

[ii] First five ladies are of the Djambarrpuyŋu group, the second two Garrawurra, and then the last two are Warrawarra and Birritjama, respectively.

[iii] Milingimbi is the name of the Well, also known as Macassan Well and Yurruwi is the name of the Island.

[iv] Gathul, alt: ḻarrtha’ (mangroves), includes species like wuḏuku, giyapara, muŋuṉmuŋuṉ and wudarritj, after which the boat was named

[v] Time, season and tide directed life in the Crocodile Islands, James, B 2009a.

[vi] Michelle Barratawuy Garrawurra at Gurruruwa Ŋamuyani Milingimbi 2017 recorded and transcribed by B. James.

[vii] Wurrpan (emu) no 2 was made at Milingimbi by engineer Mr Jim Blyth and Djaŋgalan Gupapuyŋu group. It was used for school camps and inter-island travel around the inner Crocodile Islands. It died of old age in 1977 and its remains lay next to those of the River Song at the barge ramp at Ŋamuyani.

[viii] Mud Crab (Scylla serrata), djikuyu (generic), nyoka’ (adult male), djinydjalma’, nyeŋa (adult female), nyuwaḻiyarr (plural) crabs.

[ix] Text, translations and research by Bentley James

Where’s the Fish. Milingimbi Island 2017

While walking around Milingimbi talking to people about the old days I saw my old mum sitting in a wheelchair by the sea. She was sitting with my sister so I asked if I might share the breeze and yarn for a while. While talking about the old days mum made the following comment. She says it’s ok to repeat it! So I wrote it down. This is a story about how important fishing and fish are to the people of the islands.

doreen

Doreen Collins, granddaughter of Laurie Baymarrwaŋa, the Ranger! Photograph courtesy ranger Jonh Skutja

“Wanha guya : Where is the fish!”

‘Ŋarra gan nhinan aged careŋur, ga Yolŋuy yuṯa gäŋal ŋatha yakumirriw shoppuy, yaka wakinŋu, bayŋu rerrimirriw ŋatha nhakun guya[1]. Yaka märr-guyupa, yan. Bitjarr warrpam diḻkurruwurru rerrimirr yolŋuy “ŋapurr ŋuthar guyaŋur, ŋappur djäl nhuma yuṯay yolŋuy dhu guya märram balanya baman guŋgayunharraw gurruṯmirr. Warrpam dhu ḏälkum yolŋuny balanya nhakun ŋathil yolŋu gan nhinan walŋa guyay. Guya ŋayi ŋatha ḻatjtukunharraw, ga märrmirri, riŋgitjmirr ga yakumirr. Billi ŋapurr marŋgithin guyaw.”’

“Wanha guya : Where is the fish!”

‘I was sitting in aged care when the young man brought us some unnamed food. We’re not complaining but, we grew up on fish here. We said you “boys should start catching fish in the family way, sharing fish with your family and helping people like they did in the old days. Helping people, making yourself and your families strong on fish. This is an island, surrounded by fish and shellfish and turtles. We want young people to go and catch fish, making people and country strong again, like in the old days when everybody was well, living on fish, fish is good food, and it is life giving, health filled, powerful food, food with names, food we are meaningfully connected to. We grew up on fish.”’

My sister, Doreen, Ranger, said ‘Yo, napurr djäl guyaw djama ga lukanharraw: Yes, we like fishing and eating fish. We want to start a fishing industry again, it’s a good idea, I like it’.

In 2010, after ten years of struggle, Big Boss, Senior Australian of the Year 2012 Laurie Baymarrwaŋa, launched the Crocodile Islands Rangers, with the very phrase that inaugurated it ten years before, ‘Lima gurrku guya riya-gunhanyini ŋalimalamagu gurruṯuwaygu : We will share our fish with our children’[2] Not a new idea, but a good one, an idea with a most substantial genealogy !

Photo courtesy of John Skutja – Crocodile Islands Junior Rangers Coordinator (Milingimbi).

Thank you very much to my mother Michelle Barraṯawuy, and rangers Doreen Collins and John Skutja – Research, B. James; 15.04.2017.

[1]Wakinŋu in this sense means wild or natural distinct from its usual connotations of bad, belonging to no one or illegitimate.

[2]Laurie Baymarrwaŋa 2006 Crocodile Islands Initiative (Crocodile Islands Rangers program) History of the Crocodile Islands Rangers Unpublished notes, B. James. (James. B,. et al 2003)